Saturday 5 November 2011

THE APASTHAMBA SUTRAS

FOR   all   students   of   Sanskrit   philology   and   Indian   history
Âpastamba's aphorisms
on   the   sacred   law   of
the     Aryan     Hindus
possess     a     special
interest   beyond   that
attaching     to     other
works   of   the   same
class.   Their   discovery
enabled  Professor Max
Müller,       forty-seven
years   ago,   to   dispose
finally  of the  Brahmanical legend  according  to   which  Hindu
society was supposed to be governed by the codes of ancient
sages, compiled for the express purpose of tying down each
individual to  his  station,  and  of strictly regulating  even  the
smallest acts of his daily life  1 . It enabled him not only to arrive
at this negative result, but also to substitute a sounder theory
the   truth   of   which   subsequent   investigations   have   further
confirmed, and to show that the sacred law of the Hindus has
its source in the teaching of the Vedic schools, and that the
so-called revealed law codes are, in most cases, but improved
metrical editions of older prose works which latter, in the first
instance, were destined to be committed to memory by the
young Aryan students, and to teach them their duties.
The results of the above investigation which show that the origin
of the Âpastamba school falls in the middle of the Sûtra period of
the Black Yagur-veda,  and  that its  Sûtras  belong  to  the later,
though not to  the latest products  of Vedic  literature,  are fully
confirmed   by   an   examination   of   the   quotations   from   and
references  to  Vedic  and other books  contained in Âpastamba's
Sûtras, and especially in the Dharma-sûtra.
There can be no doubt that the south of India has been conquered
by   the   Aryans,   and   has   been   brought   within   the   pale   of
Brahmanical civilisation much later than India north of the Vindhya
range. During which century precisely that conquest took place,
cannot be determined for the present. But it would seem that it
happened a considerable time before the Vedic period came to an
end, and it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the
authentic history of India begins, about 500 B.C., with the Persian
conquest of the Pañgab and Sindh. It may be added that a not
inconsiderable period must have elapsed after the conquest of the
south, before the Aryan civilisation had so far taken root in the
conquered territory, that, in its turn, it could become a centre of
Brahmanical activity, and that it could produce new Vedic schools.

PRASNA I, PATALA 9, KHANDA 24.
1. He who has killed a Kshatriya shall give a thousand
cows (to Brâhmanas) for the expiation of his sin.  1
2. (He shall give) a hundred cows for a Vaisya,  2
3. Ten for a Sûdra,  3
4. And in every one (of these cases) one bull (must
be given) in excess (of the number of cows) for the
sake of expiation.
5. And if women of the (three castes mentioned have
been slain) the same (composition must be paid).
6. He who has slain a man belonging to the two (first-
mentioned castes) who has studied the Veda, or had
been     initiated     for     the     performance     of     a
Soma-sacrifice, becomes an Abhisasta.  6
7. And (he is called an Abhisasta) who has slain a
man belonging merely to the Brâhmana caste (though
he has not studied the Veda or been initiated for a
Soma-sacrifice),

8. Likewise he who has destroyed an embryo of a
(Brâhmana,     even     though     its     sex     be)
undistinguishable,
9. Or a woman (of the Brâhmana caste) during her
courses.  9
10. (Now follows) the penance for him (who is an
Abhisasta).
11.   He   (himself)   shall   erect   a   hut   in   the   forest,
restrain his speech, carry (on his stick) the skull (of

the person slain) like a flag, and cover the space from
his navel to his knees with a quarter of a piece of
hempen cloth.  11
12. The path for him when he goes to a village, is the
space between the tracks (of the wheels).
13. And if he sees another (Ârya), he shall step out of
the road (to the distance of two yards).
14. He shall go to the village, carrying a broken tray
of metal of an inferior quality.
15. He may go to seven houses only, (crying,) 'Who
will give alms to an Abhisasta?'
16.  That  is  (the   way   in   which   he  must   gain)  his
livelihood.
17.  If  he  does   not  obtain  anything  (at  the  seven
houses), he must fast.


PRASNA I, PATALA 9, KHANDA 25.
1. He who has had connection with a Guru's wife shall
cut off his organ together with the testicles, take them
into  his  joined  hands  and  walk towards  the south
without stopping, until he falls down dead.  1
2. Or he may die embracing a heated metal image of a
woman.  2
3. A drinker of spirituous liquor shall drink exceedingly
hot liquor so that he dies.  3
4. A thief shall go to the king with flying hair, carrying
a club on his shoulder, and tell him his deed. He (the
king) shall give him a blow with that (club). If the thief
dies, his sin is expiated.  4
5. If he is forgiven (by the king), the guilt falls upon
him who forgives him,  5
6. Or he may throw himself into the fire, or perform
repeatedly severe austerities,  6
7.  Or  he  may  kill himself by diminishing  daily his
portion of food,


Petition about the Kerala Government's land dole to the 'landless'


Submitted before the Hon. High Court of Kerala

Petition about the Kerala Government's land dole to the 'landless'


Background

1
Kerala has a population of about 4 % of the country. Projected population for 1st March 2008 is 3, 42, 32,000. We have land of 1.18% of India, geographically. The quantum of land 38863 sq. kms or 9 603 00000 cents thus available cannot change.

Of this geographical area, 48% is mountainous or hilly. 12% is the coastal lowlands. The remaining 40% of midlands alone is suitable for human dwelling. That is to say, for 4% percent of the country's population, only about 0. 45% of its land is available for living and surviving.

2 
The pressure on land is our greatest weakness. Our earlier planners did not give this matter honest consideration. We should have planned for development without disturbing or destroying the highlands and lowlands. You meddle with mother Earth and you suffer – our planners ignored this old rule.

3 
Land belongs to all of us equally. We also have responsibility to it. Calculating on 960300000 cents and 34232000 humans, individual share comes to 28 cents each. Permissible human usage-share is 40% of that total. Thus, each of us has a birthright to only 11 cents of the land area in Kerala. If you allow a further deduction of 30% to man-made infrastructure like roads, public grounds and buildings, other public utilities etc, a Keralite can claim or own to himself only 7 cents or so.

4 
However, on October 3 this year, The Chief Minister announced that the Kerala government will provide free land to all the landless in the state before the end of its term. Speaking at the inauguration of land distribution fair at Kannur, he said 1,559 persons were given title deeds for 10 cents (4355.90 square feet) of land each.

The Website of the Kerala Revenue ministry says that the present LDF Government gave 60044 Pattas (title document) and Record of Right to landless poor, weaker sections of society and agricultural labourers. "Earnest and time bound efforts are under way to take over the remaining excess land within next one year. It is expected that at least 50,000 acres of land can be taken over and distributed to the landless poor during the tenure of this Government." Government lands are public property.  On an average, 50000 acres of land costs around Rs.1000 crores in Kerala.

5
In Kerala, we cannot get agriculture labourers. The minimum wages that we have to pay to any manual labourer is Rs. 250/- a day - for 6 hours of ‘work’. The carpenter gets Rs. 300/- to Rs. 500/- a day. Anyone that is prepared to work can survive without being impoverished poor in Kerala, though certain sections like postgraduate teachers in unaided private schools get only around Rs. 2500/- monthly. The assessment of ‘landless poverty’ needs to be done very carefully in Kerala.

Grievance

The Government has not considered the equal opportunity rights of Kerala citizens. If acres are doled away to the so called landless poor without considering the per capita availability of seven cents of land, where would the others that are not as aggressive as the squatters of grabs like Chengara, ever get any land at all from?

What is to happen to the landless among the middle classes of Kerala, who are unable to have houses of their own because of the inhuman cost of land in Kerala? Would they also have to squat and threaten suicide as in Chengara, to have at least 7 cents for a house each?

These questions have not been considered by the Kerala government.

Prayer

The Hon. Court may be pleased to instruct the Kerala government to take into account the per capita availability of and eligibility for land in Kerala, in land doles; and act equally to all citizens.

2. An aggressive section of the society may please not be allowed to benefit at the cost of a law-abiding but meek majority of the citizenry, who are also unable to possess land due to its high cost. Allotment of public land on which all citizens have equal rights, freely to anyone is not just or fair in the Kerala situation. The allotments are not done in a totally transparent manner.

3. The middle classes may also be considered for allotment of residential land at affordable cost. Otherwise, it would be a violation of their equality of rights.

Respectfully submitted as above by R. Sajan [S/o late Sri. G.R.Nair], aged 54, residing at Ramuvinte Veed, Desam, Aluva 683103


Duly signed at Desam on 24th November 2008 and presented through Email.

Friday 4 November 2011

Her Own Story of Thirty-One Years as a Sister of Charity in the Order of the Sisters of Charity of Providence of the Roman Catholic Church

THE DEMANDS OF ROME

PREFACE.

After many entreaties and a sincere vow, it is now "mine to tell the story" of "The Demands of Rome" as I have lived them during my long life and faithful service in the Roman Catholic Church and sisterhood. I would sound this story in the ear of everyone who has the interest of the oppressed at heart—in the ear of everyone who has the interest of disseminating knowledge, the light and power of which would be a great help to the freeing of the captive from religious bondage. For as I view it now, religious bondage is the most direful of all.
In a few words, "The Demands of Rome" from the individual are from the "cradle to the grave," and they do not stop there, he is followed through "purgatory" and into eternity. In the commercial world, you must listen to "The Demands of Rome" or the Roman Catholic trade goes elsewhere, and the anathema of the church is invoked upon you.
The church of Rome demands property, and when they have it, demand that they be not taxed for that privilege; they demand wealth, never being satisfied, but forever demanding; they demand the suppression of liberty; they demand life; they demand death.
Now, as a sister in the church of Rome, it is demand from the very day she enters the convent, as I have explained throughout this book. The first demand is the hair of the victim. The Word of God says, "If a woman have long hair, it is a glory to her," but what does the church of Rome care what the Bible says? It is the demand from the church, and blind obedience of the subject to that demand[8] that Rome cares about. It is their endless demands for supremacy of heaven, earth and hell.
We have all heard of the dumb animal which would run back to his stall in case of fire; nevertheless, we must take an interest in the faithful old horse and use every effort to save his life from the horrible death that he would rush to.
How much more must we take an interest in the lives of the poor, oppressed humans, the over-burdened, entrapped nuns behind the convent walls, though she may imagine that she is enjoying the greatest freedom and the happiest life. Yes, we must all look well to the doors that stand between Liberty and bondage, even though those doors seem bright with "religious" paint.
Let me say with the poet, that I cannot hope to "live but a few more days, or years, at most," and my one aim is to give to the world a book that will stand the crucial time of the changing years—a book that shall be known and read long after the author is forgotten. I write it with a fond hope that it may be helpful to "those who have a zeal for God, but not according to knowledge," those who may be floundering in the meshes of a crooked and perversed theology. I want no other monument.
ELIZABETH SCHOFFEN.

February, 1917.
[9]

CONTENTS

Chapter.
Page
I.Introductory11
II.My Early Life and Schooling17
III.My Novitiate Life23
IV.A Virgin Spouse of Christ—My First Mission37
V.My Begging Expedition—St. Vincent's Hospital—Routine of a Sister47
VI.How I Educated Myself—I Become Superintendent of the Third Floor at St. Vincent's61
VII.Sacrament of Penance—Mass and Communion—Extreme Unction—Indulgences—Annual Retreat72
VIII.My Trip to the General Mother House85
IX.I Receive My Diploma for Nursing from St. Vincent's Hospital—Trouble Among the Sisters103
X.My Removal from St. Vincent's Hospital122
XI.Two Interesting Letters from Sisters—My Letters for Redress to Archbishop Christie130
XII.My Emancipation144
XIII.I Quit the Roman Catholic Church155
XIV.Form for Dispensation of the "Holy" Vows—My Suit and Settlement With the Sisters of Charity165
XV.My Recommendation from the Doctors of Portland—The Good Samaritan—I Affiliate With a Protestant Church—My New Work181
XVI.My "Advertisement" in the Catholic Sentinel191
XVII.The Care of Old Sisters by the Roman Catholic System199
XVIII.Conclusion205

Appendix217
[10]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
Elizabeth Schoffen attired in the garb of a Sister2
Elizabeth Schoffen—Lecturer and Author3
Elizabeth Schoffen one month before she entered the Convent25
"Father" Louis de G. Schram33
Sister Ethelbert49
Caught in the Act of Kissing the Floor55
St. Vincent's Hospital, Portland, Oregon65
Mother House, Montreal, Canada89
Fac-simile of My Diploma107
Archbishop Alexander Christie of Portland, Oregon139
Fac-simile of the Check I received from the Sisters of Charity180
A Gift from God195

ACROSS ASIA ON A BICYCLE


ACROSS ASIA ON A
BICYCLE


THE JOURNEY OF TWO AMERICAN STUDENTS
FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO PEKING




NEW YORK
THE CENTURY CO.

1894

Copyright, 1894, by
The Century Co.
All rights reserved.
THE DEVINNE PRESS.

TO

THOSE AT HOME

WHOSE THOUGHTS AND
WISHES WERE EVER
WITH US IN OUR
WANDERINGS

[pg xi]

PREFACE

This volume is made up of a series of sketches describing the most interesting part of a bicycle journey around the world,—our ride across Asia. We were actuated by no desire to make a “record” in bicycle travel, although we covered 15,044 miles on the wheel, the longest continuous land journey ever made around the world.
The day after we were graduated at Washington University, St. Louis, Mo., we left for New York. Thence we sailed for Liverpool on June 23, 1890. Just three years afterward, lacking twenty days, we rolled into New York on our wheels, having “put a girdle round the earth.”
Our bicycling experience began at Liverpool. After following many of the beaten lines of travel in the British Isles we arrived in London, where we formed our plans for traveling across Europe, Asia, and America. The most dangerous regions to be traversed in such a journey, we were told, were western China, the Desert of Gobi, and central China. Never since the days of Marco Polo had a European traveler succeeded in crossing the Chinese empire from the west to Peking.
Crossing the Channel, we rode through Normandy to Paris, across the lowlands of western France to Bordeaux, eastward over the Lesser Alps to Marseilles, and along the Riviera into Italy. After visiting every important city on the peninsula, we left Italy at Brindisi on the last day of 1890 for Corfu, in Greece. Thence we traveled to Patras, [pg xii]proceeding along the Corinthian Gulf to Athens, where we passed the winter. We went to Constantinople by vessel in the spring, crossed the Bosporus in April, and began the long journey described in the following pages. When we had finally completed our travels in the Flowery Kingdom, we sailed from Shanghai for Japan. Thence we voyaged to San Francisco, where we arrived on Christmas night, 1892. Three weeks later we resumed our bicycles and wheeled by way of Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas to New York.
During all of this journey we never employed the services of guides or interpreters. We were compelled, therefore, to learn a little of the language of every country through which we passed. Our independence in this regard increased, perhaps, the hardships of the journey, but certainly contributed much toward the object we sought—a close acquaintance with strange peoples.
During our travels we took more than two thousand five hundred photographs, selections from which are reproduced in the illustrations of this volume.

CONTENTS



PAGE
I. Beyond the Bosporus 1
II. The Ascent of Mount Ararat 43
 III. Through Persia to Samarkand 83
IV. The Journey from Samarkand to Kuldja 115
V. Over the Gobi Desert and through the Western Gate of the Great Wall 149
VI. An Interview with the Prime Minister of China 207

List of Illustrations

THE SOLITARY OF JUAN FERNANDEZ, OR THE REAL ROBINSON CRUSOE.



THE SOLITARY OF
JUAN FERNANDEZ;

OR, THE REAL
ROBINSON CRUSOE





BY THE AUTHOR OF PICCIOLA.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH
BY ANNE T. WILBUR.




MDCCCLI.


CONTENTS.

The Royal Salmon.—Pretty Kitty.—Captain Stradling.—William Dampier. —Reveries and Caprices of Miss Catherine.

Alexander Selkirk.—The College.—First Love.—Eight Years of Absence. —Maritime Combats.—Return and Departure.—The Swordfish.

The Tour of the World.—The Way to manufacture Negroes.—California. —The Eldorado.—Revolt of Selkirk.—The Log-Book.—Degradation. —A Free Shore.

Inspection of the Country.—Marimonda.—A City seen through the Fog. —The Sea every where.—Dialogue with a Toucan.—The first Shot. —Declaration of War.—Vengeance.—A Terrestrial Paradise.

Labors of the Colonist.—His Study.—Fishing.—Administration. —Selkirk Island.—The New Prometheus.—What is wanting to Happiness. —Encounter with Marimonda.—Monologue.

The Hammock.—Poison.—Success.—A Calm under the Tropics.—Invasion of the Island.—War and Plunder.—The Oasis.—The Spy-Glass. —Reconciliation.

A Tête-a-tête.—The Monkey's Goblet.—The Palace.—A Removal.—Winter under the Tropics—Plans for the Future.—Property.—A burst of Laughter.—Misfortune not far off.

A New Invasion.—Selkirk joyfully meets an ancient Enemy.—Combat on a Red Cedar.—A Mother and her Little Ones.—The Flock.—Fête in the Island; Pacific Combats, Diversions and Swings.—A Sail.—The Burning Wood.—Presentiments of Marimonda.

The Precipice.—A Dungeon in a Desert Island.—Resignation.—The passing Bird.—The browsing Goat.—The bending Tree.—Attempts at Deliverance. —Success.—Death of Marimonda.

Discouragement.—A Discovery.—A Retrospective Glance.—Project of Suicide.—The Last Shot.—The Sea Serpent.—The Porro. —A Message.—Another Solitary.

The Island of San Ambrosio.—Selkirk at last knows what Friendship is. —The Raft.—Visits to the Tomb of Marimonda.—The Departure.—The two Islands.—Shipwreck.—The Port of Safety.

The Island of Juan Fernandez.—Encounter in the Mountains.—Discussion. —A New Captivity.—Cannon-shot.—Dampier and Selkirk.—Mas a Fuera. —News of Stradling.—Confidences.—End of the History of the real Robinson Crusoe.—Nebuchadnezzar.

The Good Wife and the Bad Husband.1

In a remote village there lived a man and his wife, who was a stupid little woman and believed everything that was told her. Whenever people wanted anything from her they used to come and flatter her; but this had to be done in the absence of her husband, because he was a very miserly man, and would never part with any of his money, for all he was exceedingly rich. Nevertheless, without his knowledge cunning beggars would now and then come to his wife and beg of her, and they used generally to succeed, as she was so amenable to flattery. But whenever her husband found her out he would come down heavily upon her, sometimes with words and sometimes with blows. Thus quarrels arose, till at last, for the sake of peace, the wife had to give up her charitable propensities.
Now there lived in the village a rogue of the first [136]water, who had many a time witnessed what took place in the rich miser’s family. Wishing to revive his old habit of getting what he wanted from the miser’s wife he watched his opportunity and one day, when the miser had gone out on horseback to inspect his land, he came to his wife in the middle of the day and fell down at the threshold as if overcome by exhaustion. She ran up to him at once and asked him who he was.
“I am a native of Kailâsa,” said he, “sent down by an old couple living there, for news of their son and his wife.”
“Who are those fortunate dwellers on Śiva’s mountain?” said she.
On this the rogue gave the names of her husband’s deceased parents, which he had taken good care, of course, to learn from the neighbours.
“Do you really come from them?” said she. “Are they doing well there? Dear old people. How glad my husband would be to see you, were he here! Sit down please, and take rest awhile till he returns. How do they live there? Have they enough to eat and to dress themselves?”
These and a thousand other questions she put to the rogue, who, for his part, wanted to get away as quick as possible, as he knew full well how he would be treated if the miser should return while he was there, so he said:— [137]
“Mother, language has no words to describe the miseries they are undergoing in the other world. They have not a rag to cover themselves, and for the last six days they have eaten nothing, and have lived on water only. It would break your heart to see them.”
The rogue’s pathetic words fully deceived the good woman, who firmly believed that he had come down from Kailâsa, sent by the old couple to her.
“Why should they suffer so?” said she, “when their son has plenty to eat and to dress himself, and when their daughter-in-law wears all sorts of costly ornaments?”
With that she went into the house and came out with two boxes containing all the clothes of herself and her husband, and gave the whole lot to the rogue, with instructions to take them to her poor old people in Kailâsa. She also gave him her jewel box for her mother-in-law.
“But dress and jewels will not fill their hungry stomachs,” said he.
Requesting him to wait a little, the silly woman brought out her husband’s cash chest and emptied the contents into the rogue’s coat,2 who now went off in haste, promising to give everything to the good people in Kailâsa. Our good lady in accordance with [138]etiquette, conducted him a few hundred yards along the road and sent news of herself through him to her relatives, and then returned home. The rogue now tied up all his booty in his coat and ran in haste towards the river and crossed over it.
No sooner had our heroine reached home than her husband returned after his inspection of his lands. Her pleasure at what she had done was so great, that she met him at the door and told him all about the arrival of the messenger from Kailâsa, and how she had sent clothes, and jewels, and money through him to her husband’s parents. The anger of her husband knew no bounds. But he checked himself for a while, and asked her which road the messenger from Kailâsa had taken, as he said he wanted to follow him and send some more news to his parents. To this she willingly agreed and pointed out the direction the rogue had gone. With rage in his heart at the trick played upon his stupid wife, our hero rode on in hot haste, and after a ride of two ghaṭikâs he caught sight of the departing rogue, who, finding escape hopeless, climbed up into a big pîpal tree. Our hero soon reached the bottom of the tree and shouted to the rogue to come down.
“No, I cannot, this is the way to Kailâsa,” said the rogue, and climbed up on the top of the tree.
Seeing no chance of the rogue’s coming down, and as there was no third person present to whom he [139]could call for help, our hero tied his horse to an adjacent tree and began climbing up the pîpal tree himself. The rogue thanked all his gods when he saw this, and waited till his enemy had climbed nearly up to him, and then, throwing down his bundle of booty, leapt quickly from branch to branch till he reached the bottom. He then got upon his enemy’s horse, and with his bundle rode into a dense forest in which no one was likely to find him.
Our hero being much older in years was no match for the rogue. So he slowly came down, and cursing his stupidity in having risked his horse to recover his property, returned home at his leisure. His wife, who was waiting his arrival, welcomed him with a cheerful countenance and said:—
“I thought as much, you have sent away your horse to Kailâsa to be used by your father.”
Vexed as he was at his wife’s words, our hero replied in the affirmative to conceal his own stupidity.
Thus, some there are in this world, who, though they may not willingly give away anything, pretend to have done so when, by accident, or stupidity, they happen to lose it. [140]

1 Compare the Singalese folktale given on p. 62, Vol I. of the Orientalist.—Ed.
2 Uparani or upavastra, an upper garment.

Good Will Grow Out of Good.

Good Will Grow Out of Good.

In a certain town there reigned a king named Patnîpriya,1 to whose court, a poor old Brâhmiṇ, named Pâpabhîru,2 came every morning, with a yellow lime in his hand, and presenting it to the king, pronounced a benediction in Tamil:—
Nanmai vidaittâl, nanmai vil̤aiyum:
Tîmai vidaittâl, tîmai vijaiyum:
Nanmaiyum tîmaiyum pinvara kâṇalâm.
“If good is sown, then good will grow:
If bad is sown, then bad will grow:
Thus good or bad the end will show.”
The king respected as much the noble benediction of the Brâhmaṇ as he did his grey hairs.
In this way the presentation of the fruit continued daily, though the Brâhmiṇ had nothing to request from the king, but simply wished to pay his respects. On observing that he had no ulterior motives, but was merely actuated by râjasêvana, or [195]duty to his king, the king’s admiration for his old morning visitor increased the more.
After presenting the fruit the Brâhmiṇ waited upon his sovereign till his pûjâ3 was over, and then went home where his wife kept ready for him all the requisites for his own pûjâ. Pâpabhîru then partook of what dinner his wife had prepared for him. Sometimes, however, a Brâhmiṇ neighbour sent him an invitation to dinner, which he at once accepted. For his father, before he breathed his last, had called him to his bedside, and, pronouncing his last benediction, had thus advised him in Tamil:—
Kâlai sôttai taḷḷâde,
Kaṇṇil Kaṇḍadai śollâde,
Râjanukku payandu naḍa.”
“Morning meal do thou never spurn,
Nor say thou what thine eyes discern,
But serve thy king for fame to earn.”
Thus it was that Pâpabhîru began his visits to the king, nor did he ever reject an invitation to dinner, though it might come at a very inconvenient time.
Now on a certain êkâdaśi4 morning, Pâpabhîru went to the king to pay his respects as usual, with the lime and the benediction, but found that he had gone to his pûjâ and so followed him there. On [196]seeing the Brâhmiṇ, the king’s face glowed with pleasure, and he said:—
“My most revered god on earth,5 I thought that some ill must have befallen you, when I missed you in the council-hall this morning; but praised be Paramêśvara for having sent you to me, though it is a little late. I never do my pûjâ without placing my scimitar by the side of the god, but last night I left it in my queen’s room. It is under the pillow of the couch on which I usually sleep. Until you came I could find no suitable person to fetch it for me, and so I have waited for you. Would you kindly take the trouble to fetch it for me?”
The poor Brâhmiṇ was only too glad of the opportunity thus presented to him of serving his king, and so he ran to the harem and into the room where the king usually slept. The queen was a very wicked woman and always having secret meetings with courtiers of her husband, so when Pâpabhîru returned he surprised the queen and one of her lovers walking in the garden, he went through, however, to the king’s room, and lifting up the king’s pillow felt for the scimitar, and went away. True however, to his father’s words, “Nor say thou what thine eyes discern,” he never opened his lips and went his way with a heavy heart. [197]
The queen and her wicked suitor were greatly alarmed.
“That rogue of an old Brâhmiṇ has seen us and may report to the king at the first opportunity,” faltered the minister.
But the queen, as bold in words as in sin, said; “I will have him murdered before the sun rises. Wait you here. I shall inform the king of what is to be done and report the result to you, and then you may go home.”
So saying, she went and stood before her royal husband who was at his worship. Patnîpriya rose up and asked her the reason of her sudden appearance.
Said she, “Your Majesty seems to think the whole world as innocent as yourself. That wretched old Brâhmiṇ, though his hair is as white as milk, has not forgotten his younger days, he asked me to run away with him. If you do not order his death before to-morrow morning, I shall kill myself.”
The king was much vexed with what he heard, and all the regard he had for the Brâhmiṇ disappeared at once. He called two of his executioners and spoke to them thus before his wife:—
“Take to the east gate of the town a large iron caldron, and keep it boiling to the brim with gingely oil.6 A certain person shall come to you in the [198]morning and ask you, ‘Is it all done?’ Without observing who he is, tie his hands and feet and throw him into the boiling oil. When he has been boiled to death, put out the fire and empty out the oil.”
The executioners received the order and went away to perform their terrible duty. The queen, too, glad at heart at having thus successfully arranged for the murder of the Brâhmiṇ, reported the fact to the minister, but said nothing about the special question to be put by the victim. The minister, much pleased, went to his palace and waited for news of the Brâhmiṇ’s death.
When his pûjâ was over the king sent for Pâpabhîru, and the poor Brâhmiṇ, never having before been sent for at such a time, made his appearance with a beating heart. When he arrived the king, in order to arouse no suspicion in his mind, said gently to him:—
“My dear Brâhmiṇ, to-morrow morning, when you go to make your ablutions, pass by the east gate. There you will see two persons seated by the side of a large caldron. Ask them, ‘Is it all done?’ And whatever reply they give you, come and communicate to me.”
Thus spoke the king, firmly believing that Pâpabhîru would never return to him; while the Brâhmiṇ, glad to be able to serve the king a second time next morning, went home and slept soundly. [199]Early in the morning, even a ghaṭikâ before his usual time, he got up, and, placing on his head a bag containing dry clothes, proceeded to the river for his morning bath. He took the road to the eastern gate as he had been ordered, but had not walked far when a friend invited him to a dvâdaśi7 breakfast.
“My poor old mother did not taste even a drop of water the whole of the êkâdaśi, (yesterday). Rice and hot water for a bath are ready. Pour a little of the water over your head,8 pronounce one gâyatrî9 and taste a handful of rice. Whatever may be the urgency of your business, oblige me for my poor mother’s sake.”
Thus spoke his friend, and Pâpabhîru, out of regard to his father’s order never to spurn a morning meal, ran in haste into his friend’s house to oblige him; the king’s order all the while sitting heavily on his mind.
Meanwhile the minister was most anxious to hear the news of the Brâhmiṇ’s death, but was afraid to send any one to inquire about it, lest he should [200]arouse suspicion. So he went himself to the east gate, as soon as the sun had risen, and asked the executioners, sitting by the side of the caldron, by way of a simple question: “Is the business all done?” And as they were instructed not to observe who the person was that came to question them, but to tie him up and boil him in the oil, they, notwithstanding his howls, bound him and threw him in. As soon as he was dead, they extinguished the fire, poured out the oil, turned over the caldron, corpse and all.
The Brâhmiṇ finished his dvâdaśi breakfast, in great haste, and, with the betel leaf still in his hand, ran to the gate to inquire of the persons seated by the caldron whether it was all done. When he put them the question, they smilingly replied:—
“Yes, Sir, it is all done. The minister is boiled to death. We gave full execution to the king’s orders. You may go and report the affair to him.”
The Brâhmiṇ, not knowing the reason for the course events had taken, ran back and reported the reply of the executioners to the king. The minister’s interference in the affair at once kindled suspicion in the king’s mind. He unsheathed his scimitar, and holding it in his right hand, twisted the lock of hair on the Brâhmiṇ’s head into his left. He then asked him whether he had not tried to get his wife [201]away from him the previous morning, and told him that, if he concealed the truth, he would make an end of him. The poor Brâhmiṇ now confessed what he had seen, on which the king threw down the scimitar and fell down on his knees before him.
“The words of thy benediction, O respected Brâhmiṇ, have only now been explained to me. Thou hast sown nothing but good; and good in having thy life preserved, hast thou reaped. The wicked minister—whose conscious guilt made him so very anxious to hear about thy death—because he sowed a bad intention in his heart has reaped evil, even a death that he never expected. Another victim of evil sowing, remains in my queen, in whom I placed an undeserved love.”
So said he, and ordered her to the gallows. The old Brâhmiṇ he appointed his minister and reigned for a long time. [202]

1 i.e., lover of his wife.
2 i.e., a shudder at sin.
3 Worship of the household gods or devotion.
4 The eleventh lunar day of every fortnight, on which a fast is observed by orthodox Hindûs.
5 Bhûsura, bhûdêva; a generic name for a Brâhmiṇ.
6 Oil of sesamun; til and gingely oil are the ordinary names for this common product of India.
7 Dvâdaśi is the twelfth lunar day, on which early in the morning, before even the fifth ghaṭikâ is over, every orthodox Hindû is obliged by his religious codes to break the previous day’s fast.
8 Lit. a “chombu-full;” the chombu is a small vessel.
9 A sacred hymn.
[Contents]


HISTORY OF NAIRS [NAYARS]

DIFFERENT VIEWS

Dr.P.K.Gopalakrishnan is of the view that Nairs were a transitioned group of people from among the Keralites itself. According to him no historical evidences are seen about the existence of Nairs before 8th century AD. Evidence of their migration to Kerala during or around 8th century AD were also not available.

“Ayar” who resided in Lothal area (Gujrat, South Rajasthan) were a strong group of people under the leadership of Lord Krishna as mentioned in Rigveda. Kesari Balakrishna Pillai quoting Max Muller says that Nagas inhabited in between Lothal and Sind where the river sind joins the sea. The union between the Nagas who excelled in agriculture and sailing and Ayars, the experts in cattle farming and warfare resulted in the formation of Nair, a group of Kerala people. (Nagar + Ayar = Nayar)


Dr.P.K.Gopalakrishnan express the view that the people of Kerala belonging to different groups, in due course of time might have turned as Nairs. The origin of Nair may be from Ayar, Idayar, Velalar or Maravar. Though Nairs were spread throughout Kerala, they are concentrated mainly in midlands. This is one of the reasons to believe that groups like Ayar and Idayar as a whole were turned as Nairs.


In the book entitled ‘Aryan settlement in India’ it is stated that Aryans migrated to the interior of South India and their generation came to be known as Nairs.

Some argue that during the period of Brahmin supremacy they selected groups of people from various communities and thus formed the nair community. The rulers gave the title “Nair” to their favorites.

Sri.Ilankulam Kunjan Pillai claims that Nairs were the descendents of the suicide squad. Their origin was in the 11th century AD.


Sri.K.P.Padmanabha Menon, renowned historian is of opinion that Nairs who were the rulers of Kerala in olden times were called as “Nayaka” (one who leads) and this “Nayakar” later became Nair.

Sri.Pattom G.Ramachandran Nair is of the opinion that Nair may be a term cut short from ‘Nayanar’. In South India Buddhists and Jainists were commonly known as ‘Nayanars”. Nayanar is the family title of some of the families in North Malabar and Tamil Nadu. The famous Kallyasseri family of North Malabar (family of former Chief Minister Sri.E.K.Nayanar) got this imprint from Kolathiri Rajah. The famous shivates of Dravidian country were later known as Nayanars. The word Nayanar means Nayakan (one who leads).

Kosambi opined that the Nair community originated from the tribal women of Kerala in the union with Brahmins.

The Encyclopedia published by the State Encyclopedic Department says that there are evidences to prove that Nairs were the protectors of Hinduism during the period of Shiva Bhakthi movement in Kerala.

“By the time the Brahmins arrived in Kerala, about the first millennium, the first known rules of Kerala, the Cheran, who were Nairs, already had an established kingdom there. Logan in his ‘Malabar Manual’ says that the Namboodiris respected Nairs as kings. Fahien, the chineese traveller, who visited India in AD 1409 noted that “Nairs rank with kings”. They were owners and controllers of temples and enjoyed all the privileges of high - caste Hindus.” (Religions and Communities of India).

Kanippayoor Sankaran Namboodiirippad says that Nairs were the bodyguards of North India Brahmins who came to Kerala by sea from Sindh. (Nayanmarude Poorvaocharithram).

One recent theory proposed by Dr. Thundy is that Nairs are the descendants of the Newars of Nepal, who migrated to Kerala. There are two major facts to support this view. The first is the lighter complexion, and sharper features of Nairs. The second is the distinct pagoda-like architectural style of Nair Tharavaadus and Temples. Finally, there is the Marumakkathaayam system of inheritance. This system is a matrilineal system, which is also practiced by the Newars of Nepal. Southern Indian warrior class names like Naik, Naidu etc are closely connected to Kerala Nairs, even though the anthropological links are not yet established. (Wickiepedia)

Most anthropologists are of the view that the Nair caste is an amalgamation of various warrior classes during the post-Sangam era, which is considered as the most politically unstable period in Kerala history. All the Cheras were Nairs and Kerala history is more or less connected to Nair caste. (Wickiepedia)